The “Onlife” generation, social networks and digital inequality – part 2
What is youth like nowadays?
Part 2.
In the second part of our series presenting the results of youth research, we explore questions related to political activity. Is there a difference between levels of online and offline participation? How is the interest in public issues changing? We will also examine whether the use of the Internet mitigates social and cultural inequalities— for instance how are social problems reflected in the digital space?
The July 2024 issue of Magyar Tudomány magazine pays special attention to current issues in youth research. It includes five studies focusing on the 15-29 age group, grouped around two central questions. One thematic group1 provides an overview of the applicability of generational approaches, while the other2 examines the social role of young people. The authors represent both younger and older generations of researchers, reporting on the latest findings in youth research, a field with strong traditions in Hungary. Below, we highlight some key points from these studies.
In public discourse, it is often stated that the social activity of today’s young people is quite low, which seems consistent with the three traits commonly associated with the “silent generation”—passivity, uncertainty, and conformity. However, as we pointed out in the previous article, these labels describe young people in the physical (offline) world, while online activity must also be considered when assessing contemporary youth and their engagement with social issues.
Large-scale Hungarian youth surveys, that were conducted in 2016 and 2020, have also explored whether the virtual space influences the level of involvement in political issues. The research was organized around three main questions: 1) Is political participation among young people increasingly shifting to the online space, and if so, how does this affect traditional offline forms of participation? 2) What are the demographic characteristics of politically active young people? 3) What are the main differences between the characteristics of online and offline participation?
Based on the data, online participation is only 10-17% more frequent than offline participation. The former primarily appears in connection with public issues, typically manifesting in likes and comments occasionally. Offline activity, on the other hand, has shown an increase in direct contact with local politicians and signing petitions.
In response to the question of which political and social environments are most typical for active young people, it became obvious that highly educated individuals are overrepresented in both online and offline forms of participation. Political activity, therefore, shows a strong correlation with the level of education.
When examining the economic background of the most active young people, it is evident that a desire to participate in public affairs is not characteristic of the poorest or most financially carefree groups. In terms of political socialization, higher levels of activity are expected where public issues are regularly discussed among family and friends. Interestingly, there is also a high level of activity among young people who challenge their parents’ political orientation and worldview.
Overall, election participation is the event that mobilizes the most young people. Among those aged 15 to 19, 26% were sure they would participate in elections, while 43% said they would probably participate, according to 2020 data.3
Another central issue in youth research is access and the inequalities that arise in connection with it. Does the contemporary digital world facilitate broader access to knowledge, counterbalancing the disparities stemming from young people’s economic backgrounds and their parents’ education? In other words, are social inequalities reflected in the online realm as well?
The virtual space, or the “onlife” experience, has naturally become a part of socialization and knowledge acquisition. For young people, the digital infrastructure is a crucial area, and it also serves as a kind of “reverse socialization” space, where they no longer simply imitate the cultural patterns inherited from their parents. In this context, it is common to speak of a “new culture,” in which traditional forms are transformed and reinterpreted. With regard to access to cultural values, new elements of socialization have emerged, shaped by the transition to the digital age.
According to the research, the lack of Bourdieu’s social and cultural capital is also evident in the digital space, where those disadvantaged in the offline world are marginalized here as well. Exclusion from, or limited access to, the online world perpetuates—and may even deepen—social inequalities. This applies in two key areas.
First, while internet access has become widespread, significant differences exist in device ownership and usage. Although most young people own a phone, many do not have their own computer, which poses serious challenges. A clear example of this presented itself during the coronavirus pandemic, when distance learning became common, and ideally, each student would have needed their own device for simultaneous use.
The second area is digital skills, which include high-level technology use, and the knowledge related to effective internet use. More conscious media socialization is far more typical in highly educated families, whereas reflexive behaviour and the exploitation of the broader opportunities offered by the internet are less common among people with lower qualifications. In contrast, disadvantaged groups are more vulnerable to unreliable content and are in a weaker position regarding content consumption.
Thus, it is clear that one’s economic situation and cultural capital largely determine the extent of their ability to use the opportunities offered by the online world. Access is more closely linked to financial resources, while cultural inequalities manifest in digital skills and usage habits. Therefore, media literacy education, along with campaigns and initiatives promoting safe and effective internet use, could play a crucial role in schools.
Ildikó Tamás
HUN-REN BTK NTI Senior researcher,
author of fashion antropology podcast.
Notes:
- https://mersz.hu/dokumentum/matud202407__5/#matud202407_f105465 ↩︎
- https://mersz.hu/dokumentum/matud202407__7; https://mersz.hu/dokumentum/matud202407__8 ↩︎
- https://mersz.hu/dokumentum/matud202407__9/#matud202407_f105463 ↩︎
This content was published as part of PERSPECTIVES – the new label for independent, constructive and multi-perspective journalism. PERSPECTIVES is co-financed by the EU and implemented by a transnational editorial network from Central-Eastern Europe under the leadership of Goethe-Institut. Find out more about PERSPECTIVES: goethe.de/perspectives_eu.
Co-funded by the European Union. Views and opinions expressed are, however, those of the author(s) only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union or the European Commission. Neither the European Union nor the granting authority can be held responsible.
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